Indian
agriculture has all the three phases of agriculture development:
Traditional agriculture with low energy, capital and input-output
ratio/surplus; technologically dynamic agriculture with low capital
intensity and low market integration and technologically dynamic
agriculture with high capital intensity and high market integration.
| Support |
Benefits |
| Technology
(seed/ equipment/ controls) |
Increase
productivity |
| Management
Practices |
Reduce
costs/ better quality |
| Skills |
Costing
/ information usage/ Using modern technology |
| Post-harvest
measures |
Add
value/ cut losses in quantity/ quality |
| Systems |
Contract
forming / Networking |
Farmers
find commercial agriculture more attractive than traditional agriculture
because the production is market-oriented and it is conducted on
the principles governing any business. Moreover, there is achievement
of predetermined rate of return on investment and business planning,
investment, implementation, cost control, efficient marketing and
continuous monitoring is essential.
The
Indian farmer is a low cost producer but subject to many risks.
All risks cannot be removed but the incidence can be reduced or
compensated by providing the following, directly or indirectly through
tie-ups and government schemes.
Corporates
aren’t perfect
Corporates
incur high overheads for productivity and quality. On the other
hand, farmers have low costs, but low productivity and quality,
and low access to market information, credit and systems. Success
lies in combining the competitiveness of both.
Despite
the corporate organisation’s appearance of universal suitability,
it is not the only form of organisation that zealously pursues efficiency
and competitiveness. It is one of many ways in which economic activity
could be organised and operated successfully. There are other forms
that are as efficient as incorporated business and perhaps more
appropriate in particular circumstances.
India
is a throbbing laboratory for conducting a myriad of businesses.
Their characteristics differ from those of corporate organisations.
Though they do not confer to a corporate structure, they account
for a large part of the economy. What is more important their vitality
drives purchasing power.
The
National Agriculture Policy (NAP) announced in July 2000 mistakenly
emphasises on corporate farming. It encourages the participation
of the corporate sector through contract farming and land leases
to allow technology transfer, capital inflows and assured markets
and through collaboration between producer co-operatives. It also
promotes the agro-processing industry.
Weaknesses
in corporate farming
Corporate
structures have evolved in response to size, complexity and risk.
However, they have advantages and limitations. The limitations in
the context of agriculture exceed the advantages. First, financial
economics argues that managers may digress from corporate objectives
for private gain. Such digression and the controls put in place
to dissuade managers from digression impose significant costs. These
are known as agency costs. Agency costs in agriculture are extraordinarily
complex and tough to keep in check. There are numerous opportunities
and the incentives to divert resources. For example, it is almost
impossible to monitor rainy days; pest and insect attacks, topsoil
erosion and the effect of gusty winds over every hectare of a large
holding in order to objectively justify expenses. The unsuccessful
foray by many companies into fishing, forestry and floriculture
is a result of uncontrollable agency costs.
The
control of agency costs and the maximisation of corporate objectives
require a deft balance between centralisation and decentralisation.
They require all manner of differentiation and integration and these
two principal components of good corporate governance have yet to
mature satisfactorily in some companies. Should Indian agriculture
be exposed to the undesirable components of corporate governance?
Second,
farmers who own land have important incentives to effectively manage
the size, complexity and risks in agriculture. It is their asset
and not merely a piece of equipment supplied by some company. It
is their property and not that of a collective as in China in the
past. Planners in China had argued that agriculture, like industry,
had the potential to realise economies of scale over the entire
range of its activities. This orthodoxy lasted for many years. A
collective ethos reigned from the mid-1950s until the early 1980s.
Far from economising on human labour and capital, the collective
institutional framework wasted resources. The large size of collectives
has lead to disenfranchisement and dispossession in different sections
of society. The disenfranchisement and dispossession could be justified
if the trade-off were in favour of uncompromising efficiency and
competitiveness or if companies could operate comfortably as price
takers. However, there is little justification at this time to bet
on farming. Farm assets would be safer and more productive in the
hands of farmers, small and big. They have the incentives to protect
farming and to promote farming productivity.